DELIVEROO RIDERS ARE EMPLOYEES DESPITE EMPLOYER CLAIM

JUDGEMENT OF SPANISH SUPERIOR COURT IN FAVOUR OF THE WORKERS

Report in Publico.es by Pilar Araque Conde.Translation from Castillian by D.Breatnach.

https://www.publico.es/sociedad/deliveroo-tsjm-falla-deliveroo-reconoce-532-riders-trabajadores.html

Deliveroo riders, treated as self-employed workers responsible for their own insurance, without sickness or holiday pay — but in reality employees.
(Photo source: Internet)

Yet another repeat: the nth judicial victory of the riders against Deliveroo. On this occasion, the Superior Court of Justice of Madrid (TSJM) ratified the ruling in favor of 532 deliverers of the digital platform by recognizing them as employees and not as freelancers, as the Labor Inspection of the capital had ruled.

The TSJM dismissed the appeal filed by Roodfoods Spain S.L.U., the holding company of Deliveroo, against the ruling pronounced on July 22nd last year by Madrid’s Social Court No.19. Back then, the court had concluded that the distributors were workers of the company.

“In the provision of services by the deliverers affected by the process, during the period to which the liquidation act refers, labor conditions prevailed, which leads to the judgement of the demand”, states the text accessed by this media. (Trans: ??)

FIRST GREAT COLLECTIVE VICTORY OF THE RIDERS AGAINST DELIVEROO

          Therefore, the TSJM insists on the relationship between the home delivery company and the riders: “The details or characteristics of an employment relationship concur when assessing the existence of habituality, periodic retribution, dependency and subject to orders and business instructions, alienation of benefits and risks and very personal nature of the provision of service”.

A Labor Inspection report estimated that the deliverers were false self-employed and that Deliveroo “covered up” an ordinary labor relationship with them. The General Treasury of Social Security took up the challenge and filed a lawsuit, which was decided by the judge. The oral hearing, held on May 2019, had the testimony of more than 500 riders.

Deliveroo Riders received judgement in their favour in Valencia, Spanish State, last year, displaying placards saying “WE WON” in Catalan on Deliveroo-type background.
(Photo source: Publico.es)

The workers’ lawyer, Esther Comas, highlights the “importance” of the sentence. Not only because it affects 532 workers, “but because it makes a very exhaustive examination of the conditions of employees who, in turn, can be extrapolated to other colleagues in the same company and even from other platforms [Glovo and Uber Eats]”, the member of the Madrid Ronda Collective pointed out to Publico.

Also, the UGT union welcomed the decision of this court: “We consider this judgement very important since it summarises everything that we have been fighting for and which coincides, in its conclusions, with another ruling by the Madrid TSJ on Glovo’s working model,” UGT explained in a press release.

The collective fight of the riders adds another victory. In June 2019, Social Court No.5 of Valencia also ruled in favor of the delivery riders. Delivery riders in cities like Barcelona or Zaragoza await an oral hearing for the law to recognize them as employees, based on the judgements pronounced against Deliveroo and Glovo.

A rider for Just Eat, on similar arrangements to Deliveroo riders, treated as self-employed workers responsible for their own insurance, without sickness or holiday pay — but in reality employees.
(Photo source: Internet)

And, despite the infinity of reports prepared by the Labor Inspectorate in different provinces, digital distribution platforms continue to operate without a regulation that guarantees the rights of their workers. Also, taking into account that the number of employees in the sector is around 14,337 people, UGT estimates that Social Security lose up to 76 million euros, according to the report on digital distribution platforms by Work, presented last September 6th.

end

FURTHER READING:

https://www.independent.ie/life/dublin-deliveroo-worker-i-fell-off-my-bike-when-i-rang-the-call-centre-the-first-thing-they-asked-was-if-the-food-was-okay-35090382.html

https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/deliveroo-riders-say-they-are-deliberately-targeted-for-violent-attacks-1.3802955

 

PART 3: THE ABSOLUTE NEED FOR UNITY – BUT WHAT KIND?

(Reading time this section: 3 minutes)

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Part of series “HOW TO WIN THE WAR  — GETTING INTO POSITION”.  See also INTRODUCTION; PART 1: THE THIRTY-YEARS’ WAR – DOOMED TO LOSE;                      PART 2: COLLECTING THE FORCES FOR REVOLUTION; PART 4: UNITY AGAINST REPRESSION)

It is, most people would think, a ‘no-brainer’ (i.e an obvious truth) that unity is necessary in the struggle to overthrow the current system. It might be thought surprising, therefore, that disunity is more the rule among those who aspire to revolution.

Generally, those who claim to be revolutionary socialists will not unite with Irish Republicans. In addition, those socialists of one party will often fail to unite with those of a different party. The same dynamic is to be seen among Irish Republicans also.

There have been many attempts to overcome this problem. In the 1930s the Republican Congress sought to unite Irish Republicans with revolutionary socialists. In the face of hostility within the mainstream Republican movement and also with divisions among the communist element in Ireland at the time, faced in addition with anti-communist hysteria whipped up by the Catholic Church, the experiment failed. The leadership of the Sinn Féin and the IRA of the later 1960s tried to combine socialism and republicanism within one party and military organisation, an attempt that crashed when it was discovered that the arms necessary to defend ‘nationalist’ community areas in the Six Counties, particularly in Belfast, were unavailable, leading to an acrimonious split in the movement. A subsequent attempt to combine the socialist and republican elements in another organisation survived a little longer but also failed for a number of reasons, some internal and also due to Irish State repression.

Shankhill Rd Republican Congress WT Commemoration 1934
Socialist Republicans, members of Republican Congress from Shankhill Road, marching to annual Wolfe Tone commemoration, Bodenstown 1934. They were attacked by conservative Republicans. (Photo source: Internet)

There have been some attempts to unite the non-republican Left itself also, which usually failed due in part to ideological differences but also to political sectarianism and personality clashes. Currently both trotskyist parties have an uneasy working relationship, the small grouping of Independents for Change exists also, the Communist Party is very small too and the anarchists are scattered and unable for years now, for the most part, to mount united action.

Attempts to unite the various parts of the Irish Republican movement have, in general, focused on creating a new organisation or absorbing activists unhappy with one organisation into another.

A frequent approach has been for some people to sit down and produce what they consider solid policy and a constitution, then to propose this format to others around which to unite. Even when accepting amendments from the elements they seek to recruit, these attempts too have largely failed.

It seems a rational approach: if we want unity, surely first we have to agree on what for, how, etc, etc before we can go into action? I believe, contrary though it may seem, that actually we should unite in action first. Uniting in action tends to break down barriers of mistrust that are built on hearsay or suspicions fostered by sectarian elements. Action also tends to clarify certain questions that until then are theoretical only. Of course, at some point, action will need to be guided by worked out policy but initially the action itself can be sufficient guide, especially since approaching the question the other way around has been so generally unproductive.

The question then arises: with whom to unite? In general, I would say that the answer is: with all with whom we can, in actual practice, unite: different types of revolutionary socialists (including anarchists), Irish Republicans, Left social democrats, human and civil rights activists.

Unity Is Strength Image copy

There are some exceptions I think necessary to mention: fascists, racists, religious sectarians and parties that participate in Government. Fascists seek to impose an undemocratic regime completely hostile to the interests of working people and, far from our uniting with them, need to be defeated; racists and religious sectarians seek to divide the movement along lines of ethnicity or religious affiliation. Revolutionaries need to draw a clear line of distinction between the movements of resistance and those who participate in a native capitalist or colonial government, i.e the management organisations of the enemy.

Many issues lend themselves to united action but perhaps none more so, and none are more essential, than against repression.

Diarmuid Breatnach is a veteran independent revolutionary activist, currently particularly active in committees against repression, in some areas of internationalist solidarity and in defence of historical memory.

DISCURSO DEL COMÍTE ANTI INTERNAMIENTO DE DUBLÍN PARA LA CONMEMORACIÓN DE PASCUA ABRIL 2019

DISCURSO DEL COMÍTE ANTI INTERNAMIENTO DE DUBLÍN PARA LA CONMEMORACIÓN DE PASCUA ABRIL 2019

 

 

A Chomrádaith agus a chairde, go raibh maith agaibh (“Companer@s y amig@s, gracias”) al Acción Anti-Imperialista de Irlanda por invitar al Comité de Anti-Internamiento de Dublín a hablar en este evento.

Tradicionalmente este es un tiempo cada año de conmemoraciones.

Conmemoramos en primer lugar a las mujeres, hombres y chicos que salieron a luchar contra un Imperio, el más grande jamás conocido y, en ese momento, el militar más poderoso del mundo. Algun@s lucharon solo por la independencia de Irlanda, much@s lucharon también por la justicia social y otr@s lucharon contra la guerra imperialista. El nuestro fue el primer alzamiento contra la carnicería de la Guerra imperialista y el mundo tuvo que esperar un año antes de que hubiera otro, en Rusia, y dos años antes del alzamiento espartaquista en Alemania.

Pero también conmemoramos a aquell@s much@s otr@s que lucharon y much@s que dieron su vida contra el invasor a través de los siglos, contra el colonizador, los ladrones de tierras, contra la monarquía inglesa por una República, contra los traidores de la causa de la independencia, contra los Gombeen (capitalistas nativos). Los gobernantes de nuestro propio Estado y los gobernantes coloniales de la colonia inglesa restante en suelo irlandés.

Es correcto y apropiado conmemorar los hechos heroicos y el sacrificio del pasado.

Pero no se trata solo del pasado; también se trata del presente y del futuro. A chomrádaithe (“companer@s), la lucha aún no está terminada y sus objetivos aún no se han alcanzado. Vivimos en un país dividido por una frontera británica y también dividido entre ricos y pobres, donde una pequeña minoría de explotadores vive de los trabajadores y de la clase media baja, convirtiendo la miseria de much@s en los euros y libras de unos pocos.

A medida que el fascismo asoma su fea cabeza y destapa sus sangrientos colmillos nuevamente por todo el mundo, nuestros gobernantes aquí en Irlanda también se vuelven cada vez más a la represión. Recordamos a los que están en juicio ahora por oponerse exitosamente al lanzamiento del fascista Pegida en Dublín en 2012. Y los partidarios del Sinn Féin Republicano atacados en Newry mientras conmemoraban el mismo Alzamiento de 1916 el año pasado, también en juicio ahora, una repetición de los ataques del RUC bajo la Ley de Poderes Especiales. Y las redadas en los hogares de much@s republican@s de otras organizaciones a lo largo del año. Y aquellos que languidecen en la cárcel después de la condena por cortes especiales sin jurado en ambos lados de la Frontera.

Parte del arsenal de la represión ha sido tradicionalmente el internamiento sin juicio. Y camaradas, tras el Alzamiento de 1916, hubo una gran ola de detenciones en Irlanda. Más de 3.500 hombres y mujeres fueron arrestados y se dictaron noventa sentencias de muerte, aunque más tarde todas menos 16 fueron conmutados. 1,852 mujeres y hombres fueron internados en campos de concentración y prisiones en Inglaterra y Gales.

Los británicos recurrieron nuevamente al internamiento durante la Guerra de la Independencia, al igual que los gobiernos irlandeses durante la Guerra Civil y en los años 30 y 40, y los británicos en los Seis Condados en los años 70. Eso fue internamiento masivo, pero el internamiento continúa hoy de forma más selectiva, a través de la revocación de la licencia para ex presos y la negativa de la libertad a fianza para otros. Tod@s l@s republican@s deben oponerse a esta práctica represiva y no solo l@s republican@s, sino también l@s socialistas y, de hecho, todas las personas democráticas. La historia muestra una y otra vez que lo que el Estado se sale con la suya contra un grupo, lo usa más tarde contra otro.

El Comité contra el internamiento de Dublín se esfuerza por celebrar un piquete mensual de información en diferentes partes de Dublín y un evento anual en Newry. No somos sectarios y somos independientes de cualquier partido u organización política, lo que significa que TODAS las organizaciones republicanas deben apoyar nuestros eventos, ya que el internmiento nos afecta a todos. O nos oponemos juntos a la represión estatal, camaradas … o vamos a la cárcel por separado.

Go raibh maith agaibh (gracias a vos).

HORROR FASCISTA EN VILLORUELA — BORRADO?

Una historia de crímenes del fascismo espanol, si nos hacia falta recordarnos de nunca jamás dar les la oportunidad de alcanzar el poder de nuevo.  Y nos demuestra además que el fascismo nunca fue vencido en el Estado espanol, sin hablar de haberlo despedido.  Sin entender esa verdad no es posible arreglar las problemas del ahí.

He traducido este relato al inglés y subido separadamente. 

Diarmuid Breatnach

El miedo asoló Cantalpino, donde las hordas falangistas mataron a una mujer y a 22 hombres; donde se robó y violó. La señora Alejandra cuenta la historia y sus ojos parecen mirar hacia dentro de si misma: “ Aquí asesinaron a muchos y a la Eladia Pérez, la Jaboneta, también. Fueron a buscar a su hijoGuillermo, a quien «pasearon» más tarde, y ella no quiso abrirles; así que el Cagalubias le disparó y la mató; luego la llevaron al cementerio y su cuerpo no cabía en la hoya y el Cagalubias le cortó la cabeza con la pala…los asesinos fueron gente del pueblo y forasteros, falangistas, curas, frailes y hostias. El cura, era de lo peor, daba la bendición a los «paseos»..También les cortaron el pelo al cero a unas cien mujeres y, lloviendo y todo, las sacaron en procesión, la música tocando y los falangistas gritando arribaespaña y vivafranco y… ¡me cago en la madre que los parió!..”

Alejandra sigue con su relato: “..A mi me hicieron muchas, a otras las violaron..A mi me violaron 5 falangistas, sacaron de la cama a mi marido, que en paz descanse, el pobre, y le plantaron una pistola en el pecho, y allí, delante de él, me violaron. Unos me tenían cogida por los brazos y otros, por las piernas, y aquí Santa Inés, a lo que quieran hacer, y las pistolas encima de la cama en presencia de mi Desiderio ¡El pobre Desiderio! Además nos robaron todo lo que pudieron..Si, si, eran de aquí, de Cantalpino. Por desgracia, esta violación no fue un hecho aislado. En Poveda de las Cintas, a pocos kilómetros de Cantalpino, la historia se repitió, esta vez con la mujer del secretario del ayuntamiento..”

El 24 de agosto de 1936 la sangre no paró en Cantalpino, la impunidad de los asesinatos animó a los franquistas. Esa misma tarde se presentaron en Villoruela, a menos de 10 kilómetros de Cantalpino, 3 falangistas acompañados por fascistas vecinos del pueblo: Detuvieron a las siguientes personas: Eustasio Ramos (51 años), Elías Rivas (43), los hermanos Leonardo (43), y Leoncio Cortés(41), Daniel Sánchez (35), Esteban Hernández (29) Francisco García (25) y Benigno Hidalgo (18).

Los fascistas dieron contestaciones de carácter criminal a los familiares de los detenidos cuando iban a buscarles a sus casas: A la mujer de Leonardo Cortés le preguntaron que dónde estaba su marido; ella respondió que no sabía y le contestaron: “No se preocupe, que aunque esté bajo tierra le encontraremos”. Daniel Sánchez había estado jugándose la vida para salvar la de otras personas con sus mulas y su carro para cruzar la riada de la era, sin tener en cuenta de qué color ni de qué partido eran. Cuando le fueron a buscar a casa les dijo la mujer: “Esperen ustedes, que se está quitando la ropa, está todo calado”; la contestación fue: “No se preocupe usted, que lo mismo le va a dar”. Cuando fueron a la casa de Esteban Hernández, les dijo su madre: “esperen, que no tiene calcetines”; la contestación fue: “no se preocupe, que no le van a hacer falta”. Cuando fueron a buscar a Benigno Hidalgo, les dijo su madre: “le tengo que poner una inyección”; “no se preocupe usted, se la vamos a poner nosotros”, le contestaron.

Una vez capturados, quedaron arrestados en el Ayuntamiento atados de pies y manos con cuerdas. Los componentes del Ayuntamiento convocaron una reunión y decidieron que los 8 detenidos debían ser fusilados. Así amarrados, los hicieron subir a un camión en Villoruela, ya pasada la medianoche, y los trasladaron al término de Salvadiós, un pueblo de la provincia de Ávila. Allí, en un cruce de caminos, los fusilaron y los dejaros tirados en una cuneta. Allí mismo los enterraron unos vecinos de Salvadiós. Los asesinos fueron 7 del pueblo, el que llevaba el camión y los 3 falangistas forasteros.

Dos de las mujeres de los detenidas, María Engracia Cortés y Angeles del Pozo, se fueron a pedir ayuda a las monjas del convento. Contaron a las monjas lo que estaba pasando y ellas contestaron que aquello era una cruzada, y que si no habían hecho nada por qué habían estado huyendo, a lo que muy acertadamente las vecinas citadas contestaron: “A Jesucristo también lo persiguieron y por nada lo crucificaron”.

Jaime Cortés, hijo de uno de los fusilados contaba que “..después del sufrimiento que causaron, los fascistas nombraron entre los vecinos del pueblo una guardia llamada cívica para controlar nuestras salidas de casa, las demostraciones de sufrimiento. Nos pasábamos las noches enteras llorando con mi madre y mis abuelos en la cocina..hace falta tener mucha paciencia y resignación para convivir toda una vida con los criminales que fusilaron a tu padre..tuvimos que pasar por calamidades y sufrimientos..he tenido siempre muy presente una frase que mi madre nos decía con mucha frecuencia: “Hijos, no quiero veros nunca con las manos manchadas de sangre”…los únicos motivos por los que los fusilaron tuvieron fueron la forma de pensar diferente al franquismo, es decir, por defender la libertad, los derechos de los trabajadores, la seguridad social y la educación..los fusilaron por defender el derecho más grande de toda persona: la libertad..”

Desde la fecha 15 de agosto de 1936 al 16 de junio de 1939 no existe ningún documento, ni libro de actas de los archivos de Villoruela ¿Quiénes fueron los que hicieron desaparecer dicha documentación? En el libro de actas de defunciones aparecen con fecha 13 de marzo de 1937 inscritos por el juez Iñigo de la Torre estos 8 fusilados como personas como desaparecidas.


Originales de Ángel Montoro en Jiminiegos36 y Foro por la memoria (Intervíu nº 177, 4-10 octubre 1979). Foto de Xavier Miserachs

Documento original:

https://documentalismomemorialistayrepublicano.wordpress.com/2019/01/27/el-inmenso-rompecabezas-del-horror-fascista-entre-cantalpino-y-villoruela-salamanca/?fbclid=IwAR2Ha_X552tk86E3B4b5WVoA9m1_1gMZc8xnaThBs__Dv2N7eUZ31wr6KUI

FASCIST HORROR IN WESTERN SPAIN

A brief account of the fascist horror between Cantalpino and Villoruela (Salamanca) during the Spanish War, forwarded to me for translation from Castillian (Spanish).  I will post the original separately.  

Diarmuid Breatnach

Comment: If another reason were ever needed to ensure we crush fascism before it gets strong!  Stories like this illustrate how fascism was not defeated, much less rooted out in the Spanish State and remains at its heart to this day.  No progress can be made towards democracy in that state without taking that fact into account.  DB.

(Translator’s note: Villoruela is a municipality located in the province of Salamanca, Castille and León, in western Spain).

Alejandra, the interviewee, who was raped in front of her husband, next to her while a gun was held to his chest.

Fear ravaged Cantalpino, where the Falangist hordes killed a woman and 22 men; where they robbed and raped. Mrs. Alejandra tells the story and her eyes seem to look inside herself: “They murdered many here and Eladia Pérez, the Jaboneta, too. They went looking for her son Guillermo, whom they “took for a walk” later, and she did not want to open for them; so the bastards shot and killed her; then they took her to the cemetery and her body did not fit in the hole and the bastards cut off her head with the shovel … the murderers were people from the town and strangers, Falangists, priests, friars and that kind. The priest was the worst, he gave his blessing to the “walks” .. They also cut the hair of about a hundred women to the scalp and, in the rain and everything, they took them in procession, the music playing and the Falangists shouting “Up Spain!” and “Long live Franco!” and … I shit on the mother who gave birth to them! “

Alejandra continues with her story: “… they did a lot to me, they raped others. Five Falangists raped me. They took my husband out of bed, may the poor man rest in peace, and they pushed a pistol against him, in the chest, and there, in front of him, they raped me. Some had me by the arms and others, by the legs, and here, Saint Ines, to what they wanted to do, and the guns on the bed in the presence of my Desiderio. Poor Desiderio! They also stole everything they could. Yes, yes, they were from here, from Cantalpino. Unfortunately, this violation was not an isolated incident. In Poveda de las Cintas, a few kilometers from Cantalpino, the story was repeated, this time with the wife of the secretary of the town hall .. “

On August 24, 1936 the blood did not stop in Cantalpino, the impunity of the murders encouraged the Francoists. That same afternoon they appeared in Villoruela, less than 10 kilometers from Cantalpino, 3 Falangists accompanied by fascist neighbors of the town: They arrested the following people: Eustasio Ramos (51 years old), Elías Rivas (43), the brothers Leonardo (43) , and Leoncio Cortés (41), Daniel Sánchez (35), Esteban Hernández (29) Francisco García (25) and Benigno Hidalgo (18).

The fascists gave criminal replies to the families of the detainees when they went to look for them at home: Leonardo Cortés’ wife was asked where her husband was; she replied that she did not know and they answered: “Do not worry, even though he were underground, we will find him”. Daniel Sanchez had been risking his life to save the lives of other people with his mules and his cart to cross the flood, regardless of what color or what party they were. When they went to look for him at home, the woman said to them: “Wait, he is taking off his clothes, he is all wet”; the answer was: “Do not worry, he will get it all the same”. When they went to Esteban Hernández’s house, his mother told them: “wait, he does not have socks”; the answer was: “Do not worry, he will not need them”. When they went to look for Benigno Hidalgo, his mother told them: “I have to give him an injection”; “Do not worry, we’re going to give it to him,” they replied.

Once captured, they were arrested at the City Hall tied hand and foot with ropes. The members of the City Council called a meeting and decided that the 8 detainees should be shot. So bound, they were put on a truck in Villoruela, after midnight, and they were moved to the end of Salvadiós, a town in the province of Ávila. There, at a crossroads, they were shot and left lying in a ditch. Right there they were buried by neighbors from Salvadiós. The murderers were 7 from the town, the one that drove the truck and the 3 outsider Falangists.

Two of the detainees’ wives, María Engracia Cortés and Angeles del Pozo, went to ask for help from the nuns of the convent. They told the nuns what was happening and the nuns answered that this was a crusade, and that if they had not done anything why had they had been fleeing, to which the neighbors correctly answered: “Jesus Christ was also persecuted and though had done nothing, was crucified. “

Jaime Cortés, the son of one of those shot, said that “after the suffering they caused, the fascists appointed among the townspeople a policeman, allegedly civic, to control our movements from home, the demonstrations of suffering. We spent the whole night crying with my mother and my grandparents in the kitchen .. it takes a lot of patience and resignation to live a lifetime with the criminals who shot your father .. We had to go through calamities and sufferings … I always remembered very well a phrase that my mother told us very often: “Children, I never want to see you with blood on your hands” … the only reasons for which they were shot were their way of thinking differently from the Franco regime, that is, to defend freedom, the rights of workers, social security and education … they were shot for defending the largest right of all person: freedom .. “

From the date August 15, 1936 to June 16, 1939, there is no document or record book of the Villoruela archives. Who were the ones who made that documentation disappear? In the book of death certificates for March 13, 1937 the entry inscribed by the judge Iñigo de la Torre these 8 people shot dead are listed as missing.

Originals by Ángel Montoro in Jiminiegos36 and Foro por la memoria (Intervíu nº 177, 4-10 October 1979). Photo by Xavier Miserachs

BENETTON SENDS ARMED POLICE IN VIOLENT OPERATION AGAINST MAPUCHE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE

Translation by Diarmuid Breatnach
https://www.pagina12.com.ar/93239-en-cushamen-siguen-los-atropellos

Abuses against indigenous people continue in the Cushamen region.

Six months after the repression that led to the death of Santiago Maldonado, members of the (Argentine) Gendarmerie entered the Mapuche community this morning. They tied up several of their members and seized the horses, which were then taken to a van owned by businessman Luciano Benetton. They (the victims – translator) said that the operation was illegal and do not rule out that “planting evidence” was the purpose.

Members of the Mapuche Pu Lof community in Resistencia Cushamen, in Esquel (in Argentina – trans.), denounced that this morning Gendarmerie officers carried out a new raid ordered by Judge Graciela Rodríguez and prosecutor Díaz Meyer after a complaint from the Leleque ranch, owned by Italian magnate Luciano Benetton. According to the members of the community, the occupants were cuffed with plastic ties during the operation and their horses seized, these being taken to a van belonging to the Tierras del Sud (Southern Lands – trans.) company, owned by Benetton. A woman was injured and had to be taken to hospital. Yesterday was six months since the disappearance and death of Santiago Maldonado, victim of the police repression of that same community.


The reports of community members were disseminated through the Communities in Conflict Support Network, reporting that the troops arrived in the community at the first hour of the morning and “kept the members of the community under guard without even letting them go to the bathroom.” They reported that the officers took the horses that they had in the community, which they loaded on to a truck of the company Tierras del Sud, owned by Benetton. After the operation, a woman named Vanesa Millañanco had to be transferred to the hospital in Maitén and the community maintained that her health status is unknown.

“We denounce this new outrage at Pu Lof Resistance Cushamen as totally illegal because it was not supervised by witnesses, that is to say that the repressive forces did what they wanted during the time when they could incriminate members of the community through planting false evidence,” the community statement declared. The community also targetd the Security Minister, Patricia Bullrich, as responsible for a “hunt against the Mapuche people and a truly unscrupulous media defamation campaign.”

Another source: http://www.laizquierdadiario.com/Por-orden-de-Benetton-la-Policia-de-Chubut-volvio-a-invadir-la-Pu-Lof-de-Cushamen?utm_content=bufferb8e48&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer

AGUANTAR Y REÍR — PERO REVOLUCIÓN!

Diarmuid Breatnach

 

Estuve recientemente leyendo sobre el apoyo en Cataluña a la lucha para la independencia de Irlanda en el 1920, inspirado especialmente por la huelga de hambre del Traolach Mac Suibhne (Terence McSwiney), Gran Alcade de Cork y oficial del grupo armado republicano el IRA.  Sabemos también que las huelgas de hambre de parte de presos republicanos irlandeses en el Long Kesh en el 1981, simbolizadas en el personaje del Bobby Sands, también habían impresionados a gente por todo el mundo.

Me encanta leer de las conexiones de la lucha del independismo irlandés con las luchas de resistencia de otros pueblos. El Alzamiento de 1916 en Dublín y la Guerra de la Independencia por todo Irlanda dio inspiración a nacionalistas, republicanos y socialistas revolucionarios por grandes partes del Mundo, influyendo al vietnames Ho Chi Minh, a Nehru (y a Indios mas revolucionarios que el) y a gente en todas las colonias de los estados coloniales como la Gran Bretaña, Francia, España, Portugal, Bélgica, Holanda, Alemania ….. Llegó a tener impacto en cada continente del mundo menos en el de Antartica. Y que lástima que terminó en tan vergüenza sórdida!

Me gustaría comentar sobre la frase del McSwiney “no es él quien puede infligir más, sino quién puede soportar más que vencerá”. Y al mismo tiempo referir a la de otro huelguista de hambre hasta la muerte, 61 años después de la muerte del McSwiney: “Nuestra venganza será la risa de nuestros niños.”

Esas frases de los mártires McSwiney y Sands son interesantes pero hay que leer los en el contexto de sus vidas y de la lucha para la independencia de Irlanda. Demasiadas veces son esas palabras apropiadas por pacifistas o peor, para los que quieren rendir o diluir o desviar la resistencia.

Foto del Traolach Mac Suibhne (Terence McSwiney)
(Fuente de foto: el Internet)

Las historias de ambos hombres lo dejan claro que se habían comprometido a lucha armada contra el imperio británico, McSwiney en el IRA y Sands en el Provisional IRA. Los dos se consideraban soldados de la resistencia nacionalista o republicana. Si no hubieron muertos en la cárcel, estarían por ahí pegando tiros a la policía colonial y al Ejercitó Británico, tratando de matar les y tratando de evitar que les maten a ellos.

La lucha para la independencia de Irlanda 1916-1921 quedó en gran parte derrumbada, tras el Trato de 1921 y la Guerra Civil del 1922-1923. El nuevo Estado Irlandés fusiló a 81 republicanos durante esos últimos años y mató al rededor de 120 ejecutados tras haber les hecho preso en lucha, o secuestrados y asesinados. Muchos tuvieron que huir del país.

Se volvió a lucha en seria en el 1971, pero esta vez casi totalmente confinada a la quinta parte del país, la colonia británica de Los Seis Condados. Y claro, quedó sin éxito, a pesar de enorme bravura y sacrificio por el pueblo a través de casi tres décadas.

Bobby Sands, foto tomado durante su encarcelamiento.
(Fuente de la foto: el Internet)

A los que les dan miedo o les disgusta la resistencia armada, les gustan muchísimo esas frases de Sands y de McSwiney, sacadas de sus contextos.

Guste o no guste, la historia nos repite a enseñar que la resistencia a las fuerzas del imperialismo (y aún, del capitalismo), si va a tener éxito, tiene que pasar a la fase armada en algún momento. Y no es por que les guste la violencia a los de la resistencia si no por que el enemigo no le dará ningún otro remedio. Vendrá con armas, juicios, cárcel para aplastar la resistencia. Así que la única cuestión no es a ver si la resistencia exitosa aquí o ahí le hace falta pasar a la fase armada, si no cual es el momento en que se necesita hacer. Eso es lo que nos dice la historia, creemos lo que nos guste.